Topic: Development Perspective Vis`A`Vis Ethnic Apsirations (Manipur) ~Vungzamuan Valte
A Voice In The Wilderness
(may be debated upon with an open mind)
Two Day Seminar On Democratization Process and The Zomis`
Organised By: Golden Jubilee Celebration Committee, SSPP JHQs, Shillong
Sponsored By: ICSSR-NERC, Shillong
“The topic of discussion is akin to a comparison between Mahatma Gandhi and B R Ambedkar as the emancipator of Dalits in India, for the majority of Indians Gandhiji was the Messiah of Dalits; but for a Dalit he identifies himself with Ambedkar for empowerment”
DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVE VIS`A`VIS ETHNIC ASPIRATIONS (with special emphasis to Manipur):
THE BRITISH POLICY:
The colonial administration concerning the Hill tribes in general was to keep them secluded with the policy of least interference in their way of life. The policy was to uphold the government of the chief, to govern through them, rather than to try to govern without them. The basic objectives of the Chin Hill Regulation 1896, The East Bengal Frontier Regulation 1873, the excluded and partially excluded Areas Order 1936 etc. were to keep the tribes in check and keep them away from interfering and harming the interest of the British subjects, a protective shield for the British settlements, to achieve their own economic interest. It was not the primary objective of these provisions to safeguard the tribesmen from the plain`s people, which however turned to be a provision for safeguarding the interest of the minority tribal communities from being submerged, subsumed, exploited and assimilated by the majority communities around them. In fact, it created buffer zones in certain pockets such as Chin Hills, Lushai Hills, Khasi Hills, Naga Hills etc. and help in containing the depredations of the tribesmen against British subjects. In fact, the concept of sepoy villages was even introduced in Manipur, arming the Kukis as a protective shield against the raids by Kamhau/Sailo Clans into Manipur valley.
POLICY OF INDEPENDENT INDIA:
The Tribesmen were allowed to continue their own systems of governance through chieftainship where the village/clan chief plays an important role in the day today life of his subjects. The British Administration adopted the easier route of governing these areas through the clan/village chiefs, either in administration of justice, or in collection of levies and taxes. This system of village administration was continued by the Independent India, allowing the tribes to govern themselves in their own traditional ways, such as customary practices and beliefs. The continuations of the Inner Line permit system, Sixth Schedule Provisions, Foreigners Restricted Area Order1963 etc. by Independent India were testimony to this policy. However, some constitutional experts strongly feel that India`s minority policy might some-day prove to be a Pandora`s box, the white man`s burden, incitement of separatism, breeds exclusivity and goes against the spirit of the federal structure of the Constitution of India.
POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE TRIBES:
However, the 1940`s show social and cultural movements primarily fuelled by the desire to have their own say in the political affairs of their future, in the eventual departure of the British from India and Burma. The political turmoil and its aftermath led to the birth of several movements for homeland and ingrained in them the son of the soil theory. Many tribes rejected the old system of self-governance through lordship of the chieftains, and especially in The Chin Hill, the democratic movement culminated in the abolition of Chief`s Rights in 1948. Such was the intensity that it led to the birth of The Naga National Council, The Mizo Union, The Kuki National Assembly, The Khulmi National Union, The Hmar National Union etc. coming into being one after another with far reaching ramifications for the tribes, as well as the region in general. In the aftermath of this political turmoil, certain tribal pockets were made into tribal autonomous councils such as Khasi, Jaintia and Garo Hills, Lushai Hills etc. and the State of Nagaland was declared in 1962 (effective from1963) with certain safeguards, under a special dispensation.
VALLEY AND HILLS DIVIDE IN MANIPUR:
In the state of Manipur, since independence, several attempts were made to bridge the divide between the Hills and the Valley which were traditionally separate from each other in terms of religion, customs and practices and ethnicity etc. In fact, after the subjugation of the tribes after the Kuki Rebellion in 1919, the tribes were brought within the ambit of the British Administration, but governance was through the village chiefs. Immediately after Independence, in 1947 the Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947 was enacted and a provisional Council was constituted and elections held in 1948. Along with the enactment of the Constitution Act of 1947, an enactment was also made in the form and style of The Manipur Hill Peoples (administration) Regulation, 1947. This enactment specifically empowered the village chiefs as chairman, to administer Justice and maintain Law and Order. However, the merger of Manipur with the Union of India on 15th October 1949 thereby recognizing the state of Manipur as a part “C” state of the Union of India had brought the earlier enactment to naught.
NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AMONGST THE TRIBES:
The wild fire of nationalist movements in Nagaland and Lushai Hills (Mizoram) caught the imagination of the marginalized tribes who were sandwiched between the Manipur valley and Mizoram on the one hand and between Nagaland and Manipur Valley on the other. Attempts at unification of the Naga tribes was met with some measure of success and most of the tribes joined the movement for a Nagalim (Greater Nagaland), even though a parallel Zaliangrong movement went on for quite some time. In the meantime, the Kuki movement for Independence, consolidation and political settlement goes on hand in hand with the Khulmi Union. The Kuki movement and Khulmi movement (succeeded by the Chin movement) came in direct clash with the Mizo Union with serious consequences, especially amongst the Paite tribes and the Hmar tribes (the Hmars clashed with the Kukis and the Paites migrated from Mizoram). The successful abolition of chieftainship in Mizoram (1954) caught the imagination of the enlightened lots (educated Christians) which led to clashes between the traditionalists and the reformists with much discomfort in certain pockets, especially in South Manipur. The Hmar tribes embraced the Mizo Union movement with the expectation of creating an autonomous district for all the Hmar settlements. The creation of Lushai Hills District Council in 1952 betrayed the hopes of the Hmar community, thereby leading to the formation of the Hmar national Union.
LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT IN MANIPUR:
Till 1956 the Hill Areas remained largely un-administrated with little participation of the local people in any democratic process, except on occasions of election to the Manipur Legislative Assembly. In 1956, the Manipur Village Authorities (in hill areas) Act, 1956 was enacted by an Act of Parliament thereby introducing for the first time a local body of self-governance at the local level (village). It introduces a system of election to the village body which will be headed by the Chief (ex-officio Chairman). However, the power of the chief has been curtailed to some extent in the formation of Village courts to be manned by two members of the elected members, to be appointed by the government. This enactment does not address the issues of participation in planning and execution of developmental works, it merely empowers the village courts to administer justice within the limited powers given to them under the Schedule to the Act (offenses punishable with a fine only up-to two hundred rupees etc.) Eventually, the government of Manipur issued a notification in 1971 entrusting/empowering the Village Authorities to identify and select beneficiaries under poverty alleviation schemes, review all development works within the village, formulate and supervise village development schemes, help government agencies, receive grant in aids, donations and receive subsidies. It also envisages the setting up of village development Committee (VDC) to assist the Village Authorities in carrying out their assigned functions. It is indeed a salutary step towards democratization of the hill administration in Manipur.
DISTRICT COUNCILS IN MANIPUR:
The Hill Districts of Manipur was placed under District Councils (on the basis of the A.V. Thakkar sub-committee report) by an Act of parliament. The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 as amended, read with The Manipur Legislative Assembly Hill Areas Committee Order 1972 under Article 173C of the Constitution of India came into force. On the other hand, in the Valley, local level administration under the Panchayat Raj System (the Panchayati Raj Acts of 1975, 1994 and 1996) at the grass root level and Urban Bodies in larger towns have been implemented with measurable successes. The objectives of the District Councils were: address the developmental needs of the tribes, protection of their land, preservation of their customary laws and practices and democratization of the administration. Unlike the district councils under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, these district councils were neither Autonomous nor democratic in the sense that no provision for Regional Council was made available. There was no provision for linkages with the local bodies and no block level elected bodies was created. It is a stand-alone council, providing glorified debating platforms without any real authority/autonomy.
DRAWBACK OF THE SCHEME:
In-spite of several attempts at enhancing the powers of the Councils, it was doomed for failure from the very start in as much as it was neither under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule nor under the Fifth Schedule, no financial autonomy was given (it depends upon grants given by the state government), it has no legislative power (cannot make laws), it has no judicial power (cannot set up council courts). The council administration functions under the direct supervision of the District Administration , such as approving the budgetary proposals, legislative proposals, framing of rules and regulations, by-laws, development works etc. The council members were mere followers of the ruling dispensation in the state and mostly do not possess original ideas and principles in political and policy matters. Their survival mostly depends on the satisfaction and goodwill of the ruling party in power.
GRASS ROOT DEMOCRACY IN THE HILLS:
Democratization of the Hill Administration under the provisions of the Sixth Schedule has been the bone of contention between the tribes and the Meitei Valley dwellers for the past 40 years. The denial of justice for self-administration under the Sixth Schedule provision led to innumerable protest, strikes, boycott of elections etc. for more than two decades with limited success. However, by an amendment in 2008, certain powers were added to the functions of the councils and elections were forced upon the tribes in 2010.
Attempts at democratization of the Village administration at the grass root (Proposal for amendment of the Manipur (village Authorities in hill areas) Act in 2011 was also resisted upon by certain tribes which however was the need of the hour in order to bring true democracy to the hill people. It proposes to do away with the position of Ex-Officio Chairman enjoyed by the Chiefs, to be replaced by a democratically elected institution and replacement of the term Village Authority to Village Council and expand the numbers of members. It also introduced election of Chairman of the village council by members of the council. This is expected to bring about true democracy at the lowest level. However, the village courts, its functions, administrative set up, salary for court officials, sitting allowances etc. should be prescribed. At the district level Judges should be appointed to hear appeals arising out of decisions by the village courts, an enabling provision must be created for the enforcement of the customary laws and practices of the tribes (when codified).
THE SCOURGE OF INSURGENCY:
The romanticism associated with freedom movements, homeland movements and movements for self-rule, autonomy, independence etc. has its roots on the tribal milieu of the region. Tribalism in the form of inter & intra-tribal rivalries was the product of a sense of insecurity amongst the tribes, the fear of being submerged, the fear of losing dominance, the fear of losing their land and the fear of losing their rights and privileges. One of the root causes is the prevalence of chieftainship system in the village administration of amongst some of the hill tribes. Royalty and privileges enjoyed by such chiefs is hard to give up, leading to desperate attempts at maintenance of status quo at all costs. Groups espousing sovereignty sprouted all over, including the Meiteis, trying to put the clock back, harping on the restoration of the old order, pre-historic times. The reasons for such movements may be diverse, in some cases restorative, in other cases reformative and in some cases preservation of the age old traditions and practices. From early times, the tribes in Manipur were split into two major blocks, the Naga group and the Kuki group, again splinter groups emerging from everywhere, Khulmi National Union as a political party, then followed by the Hmars for a separate home land, the Zomis for a separate administrative set up plus re-unification, the Kukis for Kuki land, the Nagas for Greater Nagaland and so on and so forth. It is a never ending process, each trying to upstage the other in the game of one-upmanship, either for political or territorial dominance. These groups staged protest of all sorts, including enforcement of bandhs and blockades, running for months together in their own areas of dominance leaving the general public high and dry. The culture of the gun which enveloped the entire political spectrum has had debilitating effects on the social milieu and economic life of the tribes in general.
The consequences of militancy, untold humanitarian sufferings inflicted, the opportunity costs and the economic costs, multiplying by the day cannot be measured by any means. Manipur`s culture of violence and the power of the gun being endemic, it is a vicious circle with no end in sight and no easy solution to that. It is sad that in Manipur after every two kilometers or so, nothing is predictable, every step has to be watched carefully; else one may end up a victim of un-intended target of insurgents operating in small pockets. It is sad that human voices are stifled, economic life goes downhill, no industrial activity survives and above all no developmental activities can progress without splurging money to fill the coffers of insatiable marauding hordes of gun totting criminals, extortionists, all in the name of freedom movement. It is said that no one dare to set up a shop, built a house, buy a car, take up government contracts etc. without the knowledge (permission) of the watchful and prying eyes of the numerous extra constitutional functionaries, namely the pseudo national freedom fighters. Manipur is somehow a failed state.
ELECTIONS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS:
Electoral politics means big business, in such an exercise, clannish obligations/loyalties and tribal affinities came to the fore, totally blinded about the political ideologies of the political parties they represented. Elections are won on the platter with money power and gun power (support by myriad militant organizations). Distribution of party tickets, selection of candidates and selection of Ministers at the time of ministry formation are all dictated by the tribal affinities (sans talent). Development programmes, planning, allocation of resources are all dictated by groups representing one section or another with the ulterior motives of filling their coffers, known popularly as distributive justice. A few examples will suffice to bring home the stark truth in this method of madness, the link language issue for a FM Radio Channel at Churachandpur took more than 10 years to resolve, the problem for location of an FCI warehouse in Churachandpur was without any parallel elsewhere. The objection (read obstruction) to any development project, for instance the Tipaimukh Dam Project is the result of such rivalries, be it pressure groups from the valley acting on militant dictates. Now the unthinkable part, employment/jobs are sold on ethnic lines with clannish tentacles spreading far and wide, with no consideration whatsoever of merit.
SUGGESTED SOLUTIONS:
J.B. Fuller wrote in 1909 “…that the province of Assam at the far North Eastern corner of India is a Museum of Nationalities”. Experts believe that places inhabited by diverse ethnic minorities are excellent breeding grounds for conflicts, strife, warfare, civil disturbances etc. because of the intense completion for meager resources on ethnic lines. Nothing more can be true in the context of Manipur where the Valley dwellers compete with the numerous tribes co-habiting the Hills and also the tribes competing with each other for a pie of the land and its resources. Worst of all, gun totting thugs rules the roost with little or no care for the well being of the communities they represented. Extortion is rampant with no boundaries to demarcate their activities, which sometimes led to flare ups, conflicts and attempts at ethnic cleansing (at times).
(1) The way forward to my mind, would be, chieftainship breeds inequality, exploitation and stifled individual freedom (to utilize the land for productive use). Investment and credit system is hard to come by in such uncertain situation. Feudal set up and land lordship of the chiefs should be re-examined and land ownership should be given to the community. Land survey, land reforms and introduction of land ceiling laws in the hills will bring about some level of accountability and transparency in land ownership patterns, and curb the autocratic powers of the chiefs, with a view to prevent land related conflicts between the haves and the have-nots. Wholesale sale of entire villages by chiefs must be prevented and abrogated. Minimum numbers of families to constitute a village must be prescribed and groupings carried out where necessary for ease of administration.
(2) As rightly noted by DONER in its website, “The Hill Areas of Manipur have been excluded from the purview of Part IX but without any provision for an alternative, creating vacuum in the legal frame for that area”.
It is of utmost importance and urgency that the Hill Districts are brought within the ambit of Sixth Schedule in tandem with other tribal dominated areas of the region.
(3) The Romanticism associated with home land movements of all sorts must be given a decent burial as it breeds tribal conflicts, clannish loyalties, disunity and social discord. It hampers human and socio- economic developments, creating fear psychosis, public disturbances and above all undesirable civil wars. Such misadventures resulted in the loss of lives and properties (the wounds inflicted takes generations to heal), the ugly face of tribalism, an attempt to put the clock back. It is divisive, bred hostility, resulted in disintegration, with nothing to gain (the notion of a bye-gone era). It is a never ending process.
(4) The discussion between Phizo and Morarji Desai, “Phizo: How could Nagaland become a state of India? Desai: It was the Nagas who came and asked for a state and it was given to them”. The hollowness of Phizo`s stand gets exposed. The logic of being racially distinct, being culturally separate, being special, being different etc. often espoused by cultural revolutionaries with an attempt to restore the old order (sovereignty), is all empty, hollow; and is especially relevant to the Meiteis of Manipur. The activities of such revolutionary groups brought about a deep sense of insecurity amongst the tribes, forcing them to devise their own ideals of sovereignty/autonomy to safeguard their own interest. The recent movements towards de-sanscritization of the majority community (OBC status), demand for ILP and Schedule Tribe status are areas of major concern for the tribes. It is certainly a movement backwards, but with far reaching socio-political and economic implications for the tribes.
(5) The dreams and ideals for home land, sovereignty, independence, autonomy, state within a state etc. have been projected as remedies for all ills afflicting the society; such romantic idealism thrives on sycophancy and deceit. It is an easy option to climb the social ladder, to become a master, amassing wealth for themselves like parasites, eating into the veins of the society like cancer. For them the viability of a territory for self-administration is of no concern. This tendency led to divisive forces, mushrooming all over in clannish fashions. It is a culture that needs to be forbidden for the common good. Bringing about reformation at the grass root level, proper utilization of the available resources, bringing about functional autonomy to the district councils and learning to utilize the powers/authority made available, with a good measure of accountability and transparency must be engrained amongst the tribes. Else, there is no light at the end of the tunnel. The culture of dependence as rightly pointed out by a Naga gentleman, “I feel very strongly that we need to build the economic pillar of Naga society, it is not healthy either for New Delhi or the Nagas to have a relationship that we have at the moment: a relationship of dependence….” is very aptly applicable for the entire North East Region, especially for the tribes living in Manipur. They should not be stuck forever in the past, grandstanding their inhuman (feudal) existence; but look forward to the future.
(6) It is high time the natives look within themselves, put their heads together, bring about local self-administration (democracy) at the village level, and stop lambasting the state government and central government for all their self-inflicted wounds. Should they bring about revolutionary steps to usher New Land reforms, new Land tenure system and proper land records and establish urban bodies (Municipal/Town committees) to cater to the ever growing needs of their growing economy? Major projects for township developments requires huge financial allocations from various sources such as Urban Development Schemes (Sewerage projects/water treatment plants/ sub-ways/expressways/flyovers/market complexes etc.). Should they go for “communization of public institution and services “as is being done in Nagaland since 2002 (creating effective service delivery system in the villages run by elected representatives)? (COMMUNITIZATION)
Should they look at the North Eastern Region Vision 2020 for the codification of land records, land reforms, distribution and computerization of land records, maximizing self-governance, strengthen self-governing institutions, ensure maximum people`s participation in the decision making process at the grassroots level etc., for their own sake? Let me quote what Mr Biren Singh (Minister) had said:
“The Manipur Assembly passed the Manipur (Hill Areas) Act, 2008 only after the Hill Areas Committee consented to it following a six month study of the provisions. If the tribal population of Manipur did not like the bill, no tribal MLA would have had the courage to clear it in the HAC. The clearance by the HAC, shows that the Act has the support of the tribal people of Manipur”, Truly, the tribes had played key roles and can certainly be the instruments of the much desired changes. Tribes should prove their ability to govern themselves in administrative capacity building and local practices. The elitesshould rise to the occasion and play a pivotal role in stemming the divisive tendencies engulfing the region.
(7) Religion plays a pivotal role in the socio-political and economic life of the tribes who professes to be 100% Christians. Religious beliefs must be translated into good citizenry conduct such as loyalty to one`s service, respect for the rule of law, respect for human life, exemplary conduct, accountability, transparency etc. The present system of militant-politico nexus and the rampant corruption at all levels prevailing in the social fabrics of the tribes does not augur well for the future. They are betraying their own professed religious consciousness. The spirit of camaraderie / altruism (phatuamngaihna/tlawmngaihna) which is so dear to all the tribes should be revived-strengthened and practiced in the true spirit of self-denial. Tribes should endeavor to be shining examples of enlightenment in their own spheres of influences.
Ethnic aspirations must be realistic and progressive. Political ideals must conform to the basic structure of the Constitution. Development and progress must not be sacrificed at the altar of fashionable day dreamers.
References:
The Chin Hills Vol.1 by Berthram S Carey and H N Tuck
Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation 1873
The Government of India (excluded & partially excluded areas) Order, 1936
Foreigners (Restricted Area) Order 1963
Shaikham by T Awnzagen
Articles by Dr. R Sanga
The Manipur State Constitution Act 1947
The Manipur State Hill Peoples (administration) Regulation 1947
The Manipur Village Authorities (in hill areas) Act 1956
The Manipur Hill Areas (acquisition of chiefs’ rights) Act 1967
The Manipur Hill Areas District Council Act, 1971 as amended
The Manipur Legislative Assembly Hill Areas Committee Order 1972
Local self-governing institutions ….: A study of Village Authority.. Vanthangpui Khobung
Proposal to amend Manipur (village authorities in hill areas Act… GOM
The British Northeast Frontier Policy…Ahsijolneng Annual magazine 2006
Justice denied to tribals in the hill district of Manipur by Bela Bhatia
District councils in Manipur-II by Kshetri Bimola
Working of the district councils in the North Eastern states by R N Prasad, Mizoram University
Tribal Autonomy: Politics of Exclusion & Inclusion by G Amarjit Sharma
DONER snapshot.. Local self-government in North East Region
Towards an alternative model of development by Railey Rocky
Highway 39 by Sudeep Chakravarti
North East by 2020 by Amar Krishna Paul